CRISIS AND HOPE FOR AMERICAN DEMOCRACY Part 3

George Packer’s book, Last best hope: America in crisis and renewal, offers an analysis of how American democracy got to its current crisis and how it will, hopefully, renew itself and survive. He points out that American democracy has gone through similar crises in the past. He identifies key elements of a functioning democracy and four cultural narratives, moral identities, or “tribes” that have emerged in the U.S. They have fractured American politics and society. This post, number 3 in a 4-part series, summarizes the decline of democracy in America and outlines the path to recovering it.

(Note: If you find my posts too long to read on occasion, please just skim the bolded portions. They present the key points I’m making. Thank you for reading my blog!)

In Packer’s analysis, America fractured in the 1970s. From two relatively stable cultural narratives or moral identities aligned with the Democratic and Republican parties, four rival narratives emerged. Packer names and describes these four new “tribes.” Previous posts summarized the narratives of the Free America and Smart America tribes here and of the Real America and Just America tribes here.

All four tribes emerged due to America’s failure to maintain a middle-class-focused democracy and an economy that lived up to its founding principle of equal opportunity for all. Forty years of increasing economic inequality and declining social mobility have turned America into a stratified society where wealth and status are now strongly linked to heredity.

The vision of a democracy based on equality for all has been badly damaged, although it is still clung to as central to American identity. Disillusionment has grown as progress toward the ideal of equality seems to have stalled or reversed. Although this ideal has never been reached and has often been violated, without a commitment to work toward it, American democracy cannot function.

Each of the four tribes is a response to real problems and espouses values that are essential for American democracy. They shape each other, as alliances among and membership of them are in constant flux. However, their tendency is to divide us, which tends to push each tribe to its extremes.

Elections in America force a choice between two alternatives. In 2020 and 2016, the choice fractured the country and forced a strained and temporary alignment of Smart and Just America on the Democratic side and Free and Real America on the Republican side. As the national sense of a common purpose shattered, our ability to engage in self-governing democracy suffered. Individualists, even if they were all equal, feel little obligation to those outside their small, inner circles and grow indifferent to, and even distrustful of, the common good. The pursuit of happiness becomes an individual endeavor and is increasingly defined as accumulating wealth.

The vehemence of the political divide, the desire of those with political and economic power to retain it, the leaning of the American system of government in favor of the minority party (e.g., the apportionment and operation of the U.S. Senate), and the powerful role that wealth plays in our politics and economy have led the Republican Party to embrace the retention of power by undemocratic means.

American democracy has had near-death experiences before: the Gilded Age of the late 1800s, the Great Depression of the 1930s, the 1960s, and, perhaps, most relevant the Civil War. Packer states that “These years we’re living through feel like the 1850s.” (page 167)

The desire for equality, despite its link to individualism and the pursuit of wealth, is a core piece of American identity. So are the love of democracy and innovation, as well as suspicion of authority, intellect, and elitism. The way forward must embrace all of these and revive the progress toward equality for all where each person is free and able to pursue their individual dreams while having a voice in shaping our shared destiny. Packer notes that historically, Americans have used the same tools of citizenship to recover democracy that we have today: journalism, government, and activism.

As examples of people who have used these tools in the past, Packard writes about Horace Greeley, Frances Perkins, and Bayard Rustin. Greeley was “an extraordinary man who never stopped identifying with ordinary people; a journalist whose vocation was to be a citizen.” (page 172) Perkins, FDR’s Secretary of Labor and the first woman in a presidential cabinet, was “able to move between the worlds of the elites and the masses in a way that seems unthinkable today.” (page 178) She was driven by a “patriotism based on the love of the men and women who were fellow citizens.” (page 175) Packer notes that in the 1930s to be woke was apparently patriotic.

Rustin started his fight against injustice and racism well before the 1960s. In 1949, Rustin was arrested for sitting in a white seat on a bus, long before the Freedom Riders of the early 1960s. He was instrumental in organizing the 1963 March on Washington and was on the Lincoln Memorial next to Martin Luther King as King gave his “I Have a Dream” speech. Rustin was committed to justice for all, not just black Americans.

Packer summarizes the current situation this way: “Inequality destroys the sense of shared citizenship, and with it self-government.” (page 187) Democracy is not a spectator sport and, by being complacent, Americans have demonstrated how fragile it is. To rebuild America and our democracy we will “have to create the conditions of equality and [re]acquire the art of self-government.” (page 190) Packer quotes from Walter Lippman’s 1914 progressive vision in his book Drift and Mastery: “You can’t expect civic virtue from a disenfranchised class … The first item in the program of self-government is to drag the whole population well above the misery line.” (page 191)

My next post will complete my review of Packer’s book. It will discuss his specific recommendations on how we put America back together again.